In a recent Denver Post
YourHub article, Jack Van Ens warned in his article, “Heed Jefferson’s
church-state warning” that school vouchers will collapse what Van Ens calls
“the high, impregnable wall” of separation between church and state that he claims
Thomas Jefferson and James Madison erected. However, this supposition
requires closer scrutiny to provide a balanced perspective.
Contrary to
popular belief, there is no ‘separation of church and state’ called for in the U.S.
Constitution or any other founding documents. Our founding fathers and greatest
leaders have in fact warned, time and again, against such a separation. Our
nation was founded, in order to secure for the ages, the liberty and freedom
granted to us by God.
James
Hitchcock, PhD, Professor of History at St. Louis
University ,
wrote in his 2005 article "The Myth of the 'Wall of
Separation: "Modern separationists invoke the names of James Madison
and Thomas Jefferson to 'prove' what the Founding Fathers intended. But Jefferson had nothing to do with the drafting of the Bill
of Rights. Madison
did, but the Religion Clauses were the work of someone else. The hallowed
phrase 'wall of separation' does not appear in the Constitution, as some people
seem to think, but in a private letter that Jefferson wrote some years
later... For almost a century afterwards the 'wall' metaphor was
largely ignored. Those who believe the myth of strict separationism find
it impossible to explain why we have military chaplains, prayers in courts and
legislatures, the claim 'In God We Trust' on coins, an official Thanksgiving
day, oaths that end 'so help me, God,' and many other things that bring
religion into the public sphere... Thus, not surprisingly, until 1948 the Supreme
Court never found a violation of separation of church and state, and on
numerous occasions it upheld arrangements whereby religion received official
public support.”
David Barton,
Founder and President of WallBuilders, wrote in January 2001, “The 'separation'
phrase so frequently invoked today was rarely mentioned by any of the Founders;
and even Jefferson 's explanation of his phrase
is diametrically opposed to the manner in which courts apply it today...
There is probably no other instance in America 's history where words
spoken by a single individual in a private letter-words clearly divorced from
their context-have become the sole authorization for a national policy.”
Chief Justice Rehnquist in Wallace v. Jaffree (1985) maintained that the
true intent of the Establishment Clause of the First Amendment was merely to
prohibit a “national religion” and to discourage the preference of any
particular religion over another. According to Rehnquist, the
intent of the Establishment Clause was not to create
“government neutrality between religion and irreligion, nor prohibit the
federal government from providing non-discriminating aid to religion.” This
neutrality philosophy allows state and federal tax funds to go to religious
schools as long as one or a few religious sects are not given preferential
treatment.
Rehnquist also
said, "It is impossible to build sound constitutional doctrine upon a
mistaken understanding of constitutional history, but unfortunately the
Establishment Clause has been expressly freighted with Jefferson 's
misleading metaphor for nearly 40 years. His letter to the Danbury
Baptist Association was a short note of courtesy, written 14 years after the
Amendments were passed by Congress. He would seem to any detached observer as a
less than ideal source of contemporary history as to the meaning of the
Religion Clauses of the First Amendment... The 'wall of separation
between church and State' is a metaphor based on bad history, a metaphor which
has proved useless as a guide to judging. It should be frankly and
explicitly abandoned."
Antonin
Scalia, Associate Justice of the US Supreme Court, wrote in 2005, “I
shall discuss first, why the Court’s oft repeated assertion that the government
cannot favor religious practice is false... Those who wrote the Constitution
believed that morality was essential to the well-being of society and that
encouragement of religion was the best way to foster morality."
The Supreme
Court recognized in Cantwell v. Connecticut (1940) that the
fundamental concept of “liberty” embodied in the Fourteenth Amendment
incorporates First Amendment guarantees and safeguards them against state
interference. Since then, supreme courts have adopted the “child benefit”
doctrine in many instances to defend the appropriation of public funds for
private and parochial school use.
The Supreme
Court, in Everson v. Board of Education (1947), held that the use of public
funds for transportation of parochial school children does not violate the First
Amendment. The Court adopted the “child benefit” doctrine and reasoned
that the funds were expended for the benefit of the individual child and not
for religious purpose. Forty-one years later, the U.S. Supreme Court, in
Board of Education of Central School District No. 1 v. Allen (1968), applied
the reasoning of the Cochran and Everson cases in ruling that the loan of
textbooks to parochial school students does not violate the Establishment
Clause of the First Amendment.
So,
historians, judges, and case law confirm that there is no constitutional issue
with school vouchers. With vouchers, the parents make the choice between
religious or non-religious schooling; thus, the government isn't imposing
religion. With a voucher, each and every parent would have
freedom of choice of religious and non-religious school. Thus, the government
would in no way be violating the First Amendment establishment clause.
Choosing how your children are educated should
be as routine in America
as the ability to choose your neighborhood, your church, and your place of
employment. Children deserve the best education possible, and the way to make
that happen is to empower parents to choose how their children will be
educated. Why not let parents choose what schools' values are most
compatible with their own? Isn’t that in keeping with our liberty and our
rights described in our Constitution?
Mark Helgeson
LtCol, USMC (Ret)
Separation of church and state is a bedrock principle of our Constitution much like the principles of separation of powers and checks and balances. In the Constitution, the founders did not simply say in so many words that there should be separation of powers and checks and balances; rather, they actually separated the powers of government among three branches and established checks and balances. Similarly, they did not merely say there should be separation of church and state; rather, they actually separated them by (1) establishing a secular government on the power of the people (not a deity), (2) saying nothing to connect that government to god(s) or religion, (3) saying nothing to give that government power over matters of god(s) or religion, and (4), indeed, saying nothing substantive about god(s) or religion at all except in a provision precluding any religious test for public office. Given the norms of the day, the founders' avoidance of any expression in the Constitution suggesting that the government is somehow based on any religious belief was quite a remarkable and plainly intentional choice. They later buttressed this separation of government and religion with the First Amendment, which constrains the government from undertaking to establish religion or prohibit individuals from freely exercising their religions. The basic principle, thus, rests on much more than just the First Amendment.
ReplyDeleteThat the phrase "separation of church and state" does not appear in the text of the Constitution assumes much importance, it seems, to some who may have once labored under the misimpression it was there and, upon learning they were mistaken, reckon they’ve discovered a smoking gun solving a Constitutional mystery. To those familiar with the Constitution, the absence of the metaphor commonly used to name one of its principles is no more consequential than the absence of other phrases (e.g., Bill of Rights, separation of powers, checks and balances, fair trial, religious liberty) used to describe other undoubted Constitutional principles.
To the extent that some nonetheless would like confirmation--in those very words--of the founders' intent to separate government and religion, Madison and Jefferson supplied it. Some try to pass off the Supreme Court’s decisions on this subject as simply a misreading of Jefferson’s letter to the Danbury Baptists–as if that were the only basis of the Court’s decision. Instructive as that letter is, it played but a small part in the Court’s decision. Perhaps even more than Jefferson, James Madison influenced the Court’s view. Madison, who had a central role in drafting the Constitution and the First Amendment, confirmed that he understood them to “[s]trongly guard[] . . . the separation between Religion and Government.” Madison, Detached Memoranda (~1820). He made plain, too, that they guarded against more than just laws creating state sponsored churches or imposing a state religion. Mindful that even as new principles are proclaimed, old habits die hard and citizens and politicians could tend to entangle government and religion (e.g., “the appointment of chaplains to the two houses of Congress” and “for the army and navy” and “[r]eligious proclamations by the Executive recommending thanksgivings and fasts”), he considered the question whether these actions were “consistent with the Constitution, and with the pure principle of religious freedom” and responded: “In strictness the answer on both points must be in the negative. The Constitution of the United States forbids everything like an establishment of a national religion.”